Haqqani, Abdulhakim (2022), Islamic Emirate and its System (Arabic):Darul uloom Shareeya
On August 15, 2021, the Taliban seized control of the Afghan government that had been established in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, imposing their own regime. Since then, the economy has crumbled, poverty has deepened, a significant number of young people have fled the country, women have been stripped of employment opportunities, girls have been barred from attending school, religious minorities have faced persecution, and ethnic minorities have been marginalized.
These developments raise critical questions. Firstly, what factors have contributed to this dire situation? Secondly, what is the Taliban’s vision for the political system they aim to establish? Thirdly, do they have any guidelines or principles for the regime they seek to impose on the people? Lastly, is there any possibility of the Taliban altering their current policies towards women and minorities?
Until recently, uncertainty shrouded the manner in which the Taliban would govern Afghanistan. However, a noteworthy book titled “The Islamic Emirate and Its System,” authored by Abdulhakim Haqqani, the current Chief of Justice of the Taliban, sheds light on these questions. Published in Arabic in April 2022, the book has yet to be translated into Persian, Pashtu, or English. Maktab Darul Uloom Shareea published it, though the specific location remains undisclosed. The book spans 312 pages, covering various topics, with sections on different types of governance, modern education, and women garnering particular attention. Referred to as the “Taliban Manifest,” this publication has elicited diverse reactions within Afghanistan. Mullah Hibattullah Akhunzada, the current Taliban leader, pens the foreword and lauds it as a “well-reasoned and pivotal book on politics and Sharia” (p6).
About the author
Abdulhakim Haqqani was born in Taloqan village, in the Panjwai district of Kandahar province. From 1977 to 1980, he studied religion at the Haqqania religious school in Akora Khatak, Peshawar, Pakistan. After completing his studies, he taught in both Pakistan and Afghanistan during the first Taliban government (1996-2001). Following the events of 2001, he assumed the role of head of the Taliban courts while residing in Quetta, Pakistan. With his close affiliation to the Taliban leadership, Haqqani is highly regarded. He briefly led the Taliban negotiation team with the Afghan government after the signing of the Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan between the US and the Taliban on February 29, 2020. Upon the Taliban’s assumption of power in August 2021, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Taliban regime, a position he continues to hold.
Highlights of the book
Polity
A significant portion of the book (p. 21-238) is dedicated to politics and governance. Haqqani explores various topics such as types of government, Islamic governance, the source of Islamic legislation, leadership selection, allegiance, government structure, and the Islamic assembly or Shura. He categorizes governments into two types: those that collect taxes and use them for the welfare of the people, and those that guide individuals on the path of God, promoting virtue and preventing vice. Haqqani views the first type of government unfavorably, while he recommends the second type (p. 21).
According to Haqqani, the ideal example of the second type is an Islamic government. He outlines certain prerequisites for a successful Islamic government, including a head of government, government apparatus, civil law, an independent judiciary system, a strong military, and a department (ministry) for the promotion of virtue and prevention of vice (p. 30-31). Haqqani recommends the title of “Commander of the Faithful” or “Amirulmomenin” for the leader of the Taliban, emphasizing that obedience to the leader is mandatory and disobedience should be punished by death (p. 52).
Haqqani argues (p. 74-77) that democracy and elections are contrary to Islamic principles and prone to fraud. Instead, he advocates for the involvement of “Ahl al-Hall wa’l-Aqd” or “people who loosen and bind,” who are religious and political elites entrusted with the selection and removal of rulers. Haqqani cites historical examples from early Islam, where this mechanism was used to choose the first four caliphs, such as Abu Bakr, Omar, Uthman, and Ali. However, this arrangement that the Taliban seeks to adopt for selecting the head of state is far from democratic, as it lacks predefined procedures for selecting or electing members of Ahl al-Hall wa’l-Aqd. Additionally, Haqqani states that women cannot hold the title of “Commander of the Faithful” nor participate in the selection process (p. 149). This implies that women are excluded from being members of Ahl al-Hall wa’l-Aqd.
Haqqani also sets specific requirements for individuals to be part of the Islamic Council, including being male and possessing knowledge of Sharia or Islamic Jurisprudence. This preference for men and religious scholars leaves no room for women or men who have graduated from universities (p. 238). The Islamic Council is intended to function as a parliamentary body in the yet-to-be-established Taliban regime.
Religion and Culture
The book contains a section on religion in which Haqqani exhibits a bias towards the Hanafi sect of Sunni Islam. He states, “Most residents of Afghanistan follow the Hanafi sect of Sunni Islam, and other religions or sects are a disgrace” (p. 37). Furthermore, he suggests that “followers of Sunni Hanafi should not marry individuals from non-Hanafi sects of Islam” (p. 37). Haqqani argues that judicial privileges should only be granted to the Hanafi sect, as he believes that granting privileges to other sects weakens the Islamic state, as it allegedly did to the Ottoman Empire (p. 37).
Haqqani discusses Afghan traditions and customs, asserting that Afghans naturally enjoy fighting, wearing turbans and traditional clothing, and that women should cover their entire bodies (p. 40). This claim is not universally true and applies mainly to certain groups such as Pashtuns, while other ethnic groups in Afghanistan do not necessarily adhere to Haqqani’s generalizations. He indirectly defends the Pashtunwali or Pashtun code of conduct.
Modern Education
A significant aspect of Haqqani’s book is the discussion on modern education (p. 242-247). He argues that the Islamic Government should prioritize religious education over modern education (p.243). According to Haqqani, deviating from this approach would weaken the Islamic government (p.243). Haqqani calls upon the ruler and the faithful to discourage schools that solely teach modern education, as he believes such institutions are part of an infidel plot to promote immorality and divert Muslims from the path of God (p.243). He suggests that instead of separating modern education from religious education, the Islamic government should integrate them, placing greater emphasis on religious subjects (p.246).
Women
The section on women (p.248-262) is another controversial part of his book, which has garnered attention and criticism from Afghan scholars. Haqqani extensively discusses women in various contexts throughout his book, including women and politics, women and education, and women and work. Haqqani asserts that women do not have the right to hold positions as heads of state or be part of the Islamic Council (p. 149, 238). He even suggests restricting women from leaving their homes (p.250).
Regarding women’s education, Haqqani argues that women should only receive education to understand their religious responsibilities, which should be exclusively taught at home by family members (p.253). Haqqani provides reasons for prohibiting women from participating in politics and working: first, he claims that women lack reason; second, he argues that Islam does not permit men to be subordinate to women or for women to be leaders; and third, he contends that allowing women to engage in public roles would lead to the mixing of sexes and ultimately result in adultery, which he considers sinful (p.80-81).
Recommendation and Conclusion
Although the English translation of this book is not yet available, it is essential to translate the Arabic version of “The Islamic Emirate and its System” to truly understand the Taliban and their ideology. This book highlights the dangers posed by the Taliban to the Afghan people in general, and Afghan women in particular. Reading this book leaves no doubt that the Taliban hold anti-women, anti-democratic, anti-modern, and anti-development views. This book serves as a manifesto for the Taliban, and they currently adhere to its principles in their policy-making. The Taliban’s policies on women, girls’ education, and religious minorities can be traced back to this book and are justified based on its teachings.